Women in government and politics

After the fall of the Khmer Rouge regime, Cambodia found itself in the position of being a post-war developing nation required to build its institutions from scratch, a feat which was greatly influenced by the elections that took place in 1993 under the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC). In the decades since, the Royal Government of Cambodia (RGC) has promoted gender equality in the country through various initiatives.¹ Women’s participation in public affairs has certainly benefited from the establishment of institutions, such as the Ministry of Women’s Affairs and development plans, including the Neary Rattanak I in 1999, all of which were designed to incorporate gender problems into governmental planning procedures.² Article 45 under the Cambodian Constitution states that, “All forms of discrimination against women shall be abolished; the exploitation of women’s labour shall be prohibited; men and women have equal rights in all fields, especially with respect to those of marriage and family; marriage shall be carried out according to the conditions set by the law and based on the principle of mutual consent by monogamy”. ³ Cambodian women are gaining more freedoms and rights as the country’s economy develops.⁴ However, despite gains in encouraging women in public service, Cambodia continues to lag in terms of female political representation, with the number of women in the parliament dramatically declining in recent years.[/ref] Cambodian women are gaining more freedoms and rights as the country’s economy develops.⁵

Before 1993, during the decades of internal conflict, civil war, and the massive destruction of institutions by the Khmer Rouge regime, conflict affected women’s political representation through changes to gender relations in both the families that had suffered casualties in wartime and the communities around them.⁶ Cambodia ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women in 1992.⁷ After the transition in 1993, Cambodia adopted its Constitution, which ensures equal rights and non-discrimination. Cambodia established the Ministry of Women’s Affairs and Veterans in 1999 and transformed it into the Ministry of Women’s Affairs (MoWA) in 2004, which aims to implement these commitments using strategic plans such as Neary Rattanak, which was established in 1999.⁸ The Neary Rattanak Strategic Plan builds on this by aiming to empower women in various sectors, address gender-based violence, trafficking, and sexual exploitation, and integrate gender considerations into government policies and programs.⁹ Since the start of decentralization reform in 2002, there has been a significant increase in awareness of gender issues and acceptance of female leaders. At least four forces have contributed to the increased awareness: 1. to a limited extent, political parties receive support from government entities through the party list electoral system; 2. NGOs and civil society organization’s training and advocacy initiatives; 3. economic and social dynamics; and 4. shifting popular discourse.¹⁰

Current state of women in Cambodian politics

Despite progress in promoting women in the public sector, Cambodia remains behind in terms of female political resentment.¹¹ Cambodia’s female presence in the National Assembly has decreased dramatically in the 2023 election, with the Minister of Women’s Affairs noting political hurdles, the lack of quotas, and family duties as key causes keeping women out of leadership roles.¹² Women’s political participation in the 5th Mandate Commune/Sangkat 2022 and the 7th Legislature National Assembly Elections 2023 still encountered many challenges, ranging from securing opportunities to stand as candidates to participating in the electoral process to advancing their political lives as elected women.¹³

Imbalance in gender equality within Cambodia’s top decision-making organ with regard to the presence of women. Specifically, of the assembly’s maximum membership of 125, only 17 seats are held by women in the 2023 elections. Thus, there is a total presence of only 13.6% of female parliamentarians in the National Assembly.¹⁴ Women occupy 12 out of the 62 total seats in the Senate 5^th Mandate in the 2024 election, establishing a female representation rate of 19.4%.¹⁵ Moreover, women’s political participation in the 5th Mandate Commune/Sangkat election in 2022, women hold approximately 22% of commune council seats nationwide. Out of a total of 11,622 commune councilors across the country, 2,562 are women.¹⁶ Women account for only 10% of Ministers such as the Ministry of Women’s Affairs, Ministry of Commerce, and Ministry of Culture and Fine Arts, and 15% of Secretaries or Under-Secretaries of State, despite making up 42% of the civil service.¹⁷

The RGC is still a long way from attaining its declared aim of gender equality and women’s political empowerment. Little has been done to remove barriers for women to enter politics and national leadership.¹⁸ In Cambodia’s Proportional Representation electoral system, political parties serve as ‘gatekeepers’ of women’s representation, controlling candidate nominations and the order of their list placements. Women in decision-making roles can inspire others to join in politics and contribute to Cambodia’s future growth.¹⁹

Structural and socio-cultural barriers

Cambodian women confront severe barriers to political participation, including ingrained patriarchal norms, disproportionate family burdens, systemic financial restraints, and the lack of gender quotas in political parties. Women’s participation is hampered by low political commitment by parties, particularly those with promise, as well as a lack of advocacy for gender equality.²⁰ Furthermore, women party activists and politicians face numerous forms of discrimination and violence, which limit their political participation and access to gender justice.²¹ Cultural and social norms that promote negative impressions of women’s leadership exacerbate these barriers, reducing women’s total engagement in politics.²²

A code of conduct known as Chbab Srey was established in the middle of the 19th century with the intention of limiting women’s aspirations.²³ Chbab Srey gave ladies advice on how to develop virtue and gentleness. In addition to being able to cook, clean the house, care for the children, and serve other family members, women had to be devoted to their husbands and provide for their needs.²⁴ Furthermore, gender stereotypes linked with Chbab Srey are considerable impediments to achieving gender equity for women. Chbab Srey serves as an effective method for controlling women’s desires and duties in Cambodian society.²⁵ Women’s participation in government decision-making remains limited due to familial influences and cultural traditions, which intensify the “double burden” of balancing home and political commitments. This situation further undermines women’s confidence and highlights gaps in formal leadership roles.²⁶

 Institutions, actors, and local-level dynamics in promoting women’s participation

The RGC emphasizes gender equality and women’s empowerment through its policies and the Pentagonal Strategy-Phase 1,²⁷ established in 2023, in support of Cambodia Vision 2050. This initiative highlights morality, equity, and inclusion, particularly focusing on women’s roles in family planning, combating gender-based violence (GBV), and increasing participation in the economy, education, health, and public leadership.²⁸ The RGC also prioritizes women’s representation in political and leadership roles via the MoWA and its Neary Rattanak VI (2024-2028) strategic plans.²⁹ The MoWA continues working with political parties to create a framework to encourage women’s public leadership and political involvement through the Gender Technical Working Group on Women in Leadership and Governance (TWGG-WLG). The major aims include increasing legislation that promotes women’s leadership, strengthening networks at the national and sub-national levels, raising public awareness about gender equality, and encouraging young participation in gender-responsive leadership and governance.³⁰

Female representation has largely been achieved through direct and indirect elections at various levels.³¹ Political parties are the primary forces shaping gendered local political representation.³² Political parties are sometimes blamed for women’s under-representation due to their influence on elective posts and decision-making. Redefining and increasing the role of women’s units in political parties can increase women’s participation and influence in strategic decision-making at all levels.³³ In the absence of a national quota system, political parties should create internal policy to achieve 30% female representation on electoral lists and equal distribution of female candidates.³⁴

NGOs and international development organizations are vital in helping women take up leadership roles in Cambodia.³⁵ Such organizations help in allocating resources and capacity-building by bringing sustainable development and poverty alleviation together with gender equality.^{36 37}This is achieved through the provision of training, funding, and advocacy that help women overcome the systemic challenges facing them. Such training and civic engagement will help women develop skills and be recognized by their communities, thus creating channels for women’s participation in politics.³⁸

 Impact and conclusion

Political empowerment of women in Cambodia has several advantages in terms of governance, which contributes to the creation of human-based social policies. Women pay more attention to socio-economic areas like healthcare and education; thus, their participation leads to the development of policies that cover the deficiencies in these areas. Participation in the decision-making process creates more accountability and responsiveness of the governance system and a collaborative approach towards solving the problems of disadvantaged families and communities.^{39 40}

Cambodia has made progress in terms of institutionalizing gender equality through its constitution and national strategies, but there are still problems in terms of having nominal representation without real powers to make decisions. Whereas there have been some capacity-building initiatives from different government institutions, NGOs, and international organizations which have resulted in increasing the presence of women in lower-level civil servants and sub-national councils, women have continued to be severely underrepresented in the upper levels of executive decision-making. In this regard, converting these baseline figures into real political influence will necessitate greater top-down commitment from political parties and enforcing policies in the system. It is critical to ensure equal leadership of women in the decision-making processes because women’s political influence ensures more responsive and collaborative social policies for public welfare.